Even after the outbreak of fighting, the country has continued to prioritise anti-corruption reforms and adopted a new National Anti-Corruption Strategy last June. Before the invasion, Ukraine (33) remained at a low score but was undertaking important reforms and steadily improving.In Serbia, political players have significant influence over the judiciary, which has impaired a number of important organised crime cases – including those with alleged involvement from high-level officials. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a series of corruption scandals, resignations and a highly-flawed procedure to appoint a new chief prosecutor have tarnished the integrity of the leading prosecutorial office. Both Serbia (36) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (34) have hit historic lows this year amidst their struggles with the rule of law and captured judiciaries. The Western Balkan states continue to struggle to control organised crime, as under-resourced institutions lack capacity or independence to tackle the problem – in part due to corruption. ![]() More than 200 people died, and security forces are accused of torturing injured protestors they detained. A spike in fuel prices sent people onto the streets for protests and ultimately violent riots. In Kazakhstan (36) long-simmering discontent over inequality and corruption – especially the former Kazakh ruling family’s allegedly ill-gotten wealth – boiled over in January 2022.This attack destabilised the European continent, threatening democracy and has killed tens of thousands. The absence of any checks on Putin’s power allowed him to pursue his geopolitical ambitions with impunity. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was a stark reminder of the threat that corruption and the absence of government accountability pose for global peace and security: kleptocrats in Russia (28) have amassed great fortunes by pledging loyalty to President Vladimir Putin in exchange for profitable government contracts and protection of their economic interests.Years of inaction against corruption have allowed kleptocrats to take control, undermined democratic processes, restricted civic space and weakened public institutions – fuelling violence, conflict and instability in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Since 2017, Armenia (46), Moldova (39) and Uzbekistan (31) have all significantly improved their CPI scores.įor each country’s individual score and changes over time, as well as analysis for each region, see the region’s 2022 CPI page.Serbia (36), Turkey (36), Bosnia and Herzegovina (34) and Azerbaijan (23) are all at historic lows this year.Turkmenistan (19), Azerbaijan (23) and Tajikistan (24) are the lowest in the region.Georgia (56), Armenia (46) and Montenegro (45) lead and are the only three countries from the region that score above the global average of 43. ![]() The Eastern Europe and Central Asia average showed decline this year, dropping one point to 35. The CPI ranks 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption on a scale of zero (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean). It’s time for a wake-up call for Eastern European and Central Asian leaders to finally commit to addressing pervasive corruption and support democracy, stability and basic freedoms for all people across the region.” “This year the international community saw the most violent result of unchecked corruption and kleptocracy. Across the region, high-level corruption provokes political instability, weakens institutions, strengthens organised crime and even incites such violent conflict.Īltynai Myrzabekova, Eastern Europe and Central Asia Regional Advisor of Transparency International said: ![]() Berlin, 31 January 2023 – The 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) released today by Transparency International reveals that corruption remains rampant in Eastern Europe and Central Asia as many countries reach historic lows.Īs Russia’s invasion of Ukraine rocked the world in 2022, peace decreased in the Eurasian region more than any other according to the Global Peace Index.
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